© 2010 jbjd
Pundits weighing in on the scope of interrogation Elena Kagan, Barack Obama’s Supreme Court Justice nominee will endure by members of the Senate Judiciary Committee predict she will be asked questions intended to inform as to how a J. Kagan would tend to rule in cases involving issues like guns (how seriously does she take the 2nd Amendment right to bear arms); and judicial restraint (can she separate her progressive politics from her rulings from the bench). Questions will also likely arise concerning her decision as Dean of the Harvard Law School to restrict military recruiting on campus (ban altogether or limit in scope). But in all of my reading on the subject, one issue that has never come up is this. Is Ms. Kagan’s tendency to become star struck into inertia in the presence of certain pre-eminent practitioners of law who, if she is confirmed, will no doubt appear before her; a fatal flaw that renders her lacking the judicial temperament expected of a member of the high court?
In other words, would a Justice Kagan set aside the fact that Professor Larry Tribe’s her ‘daddy‘?
On Monday, the Supreme Court issued its ruling in McDonald v. Chicago, reaffirming the individual right to own a gun enshrined in the 2nd Amendment, making clear the right has blanket application across the U.S. by virtue of the 14th Amendment. For those focusing on the confirmation process of SCOTUS nominee Kagan, thoughts understandably turned to what appear in hindsight to be the less than candid answers provided by now J. Sotomayor during her confirmation hearings, and made likely that questioners would want more of a guarantee that Ms. Kagan really means what she says. Here are some excerpts from a great posted on the U.S. Senate Republican Policy Committee web site on Monday , entitled, “McDonald, Sotomayor, and Kagan.”
…Consider the testimony of Justice Sonia Sotomayor at her hearing. In a response to a question by Senator Leahy, she said: “I understand how important the right to bear arms is to many, many Americans. In fact, one of my godchildren is a member of the NRA. And I have friends who hunt. I understand the individual right fully that the Supreme Court recognized in Heller.” But today, she joined with Justice Breyer in saying “I can find nothing in the Second Amendment’s text, history, or underlying rationale that could warrant characterizing it as ‘fundamental’ insofar as it seeks to protect the keeping and bearing of arms for private self-defense purposes.”
Given that what the Senate heard from President Obama’s first nominee to the Supreme Court seems to have little bearing on her post-confirmation behavior, Senators may wish to approach Ms. Kagan’s testimony with a degree of skepticism. The fact that Ms. Kagan has no judicial record to point to, and a record of liberal activism, only underscores this point.
Yet, according to this excerpt from an article entitled, “Kagan Sounds More and More like Safe Vote for Gun Rights,” which appeared in Talking Points Memo, Tuesday’s testimony seems to have allayed concerns a J. Kagan would tamper with what she agrees, 1 (one) day post-MacDonald, is now “settled law.”
“Is there any doubt after the court’s decision in Heller and McDonald that the Second Amendment to the Constitution secures a fundamental right for an individual to own a firearm, use it for self- defense in their home?” Leahy asked.
“There is no doubt, Senator Leahy, that is binding precedent entitled to all the respect of binding precedent in — in — in any case. So that is settled law,” Kagan responded.
So, at least for now, it would seem gun ownership would remain safe if Ms. Kagan was confirmed to the Court.
What about her ability to stray from what is touted as a ‘leftist’ bent evidenced by her work as an adviser to President Clinton? Well, after all, advising him how to accomplish his policy goals was her job. And, evidently, she was good at it. But she was also no shrinking violet when it came to making her voice heard, even when others on the same side of the aisle raised their voices against hers. President Clinton describes a case in point.
Former President Bill Clinton vividly remembers the first presentation that his young legal adviser, Elena Kagan, made in the Oval Office.
Against the wishes of his high-powered economic team and top congressional Democrats, Clinton in late 1995 was considering vetoing new legislation that was framed as a way to halt frivolous lawsuits against the securities industry. At his direction, Kagan had analyzed the bill and determined that it would raise the bar so high for such suits that shareholders could be prevented from pursuing legitimate fraud claims.
“There she was, in her mid-30s starting out in her career, with the entire economic team, all of them against her position, and she knew it,” Clinton said in an interview, in his first extensive public comments about his onetime aide since her nomination to the Supreme Court.
“She stood there and defended her conclusion,” Clinton said.
The NYT article, “As Aide, Kagan battled Aide Over Policy,” tells of the clash between the adviser and Christopher Edley, Jr., a consultant to the Clinton Administration, now Dean of the law school at UC Berkeley.
At the heart of the dispute was a broader cleavage inside Mr. Clinton’s White House between two visions for Democratic politics, one that adhered to traditional liberal conceptions of social justice and aid to the disadvantaged and another that sought to nudge the party to the center after a generation of electoral losses.
Along that fault line, Ms. Kagan, now President Obama’s nominee to the Supreme Court, was situated squarely in the camp of the centrist New Democrats.
So, it would seem that, even factoring into consideration, working for a Democratic President was her job; Ms. Kagan still appears to be able to maintain an even-handed approach to policy-making within the law along with the fortitude to champion her position.
What about the meme that, as Dean of the Harvard Law School, Ms. Kagan banned military recruiters from campus? Well, turns out, that statement is more fiction than fact. Here is a good account in the Harvard Crimson of what went on during her tenure, from “Kagan’s Stance on Military Recruiting Under Scrutiny.”
…”I believe the military’s discriminatory employment policy is deeply wrong— both unwise and unjust,” Kagan wrote in a September 2005 letter to the Law School community, voicing her opposition to the policy. “And this wrong tears at the fabric of our own community by denying an opportunity to some of our students that other of our students have.”
But a recently uncovered e-mail indicates that although recruiters were barred from OCS services and facilities, they were not prevented from independently recruiting on campus. The message detailed a number of campus recruitment opportunities, including the United States Army Judge Advocate General’s Corps interviews for summer internships and “full-time active duty positions.”
So, thinking the ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ policy conflicted with Harvard’s policy of non-discrimination, she barred military recruiting BUT ONLY FROM OFFICE OF CAREER SERVICES, SERVICES AND FACILITIES. Individual recruiting was always allowed.
In addition, a spring 2005 letter penned by the Harvard Law School Veterans Association following Kagan’s ban on military recruiters’ access to OCS services stated that Kagan asked the association to “facilitate some measure of interested student access to military representatives” to compensate for any inconveniences caused by the policy decision. The HLSVA complied by setting up an e-mail address for interested students to send confidential inquiries.
Although Kagan did not ban military recruiters, her critics claim that she created inadequate access to recruiting services for students interested in joining the military. In the same letter sent in spring 2005, the HLSVA conceded that the e-mail address “falls short” of duplicating the services of OCS, suggesting that Kagan’s restrictions complicated military recruitment for interested students.
Despite her opposition to “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” Kagan maintained an exception to the school’s non-discrimination policy that allowed the military to recruit through the OCS as they had done since 2002, before she assumed the deanship.
In other words, when Ms. Kagan received complaints from the HLSVA that, the alternative venues she had proposed in lieu of recruiting directly through OCS; she reinstated the exception to the school’s non-discrimination policy, allowing military recruiting to take place through OCS, an exception that had been in place during the tenure of the previous Dean.
But in spring 2005, Kagan eliminated that exception in response to a Third Circuit Court decision that ruled as unconstitutional the Solomon Amendment, which grants the military agency to cut funding to a university that “prohibits, or in effect prevents” military recruiting. Kagan reinstated the exception only a few months later under pressure from the Department of Defense, which threatened to cut funding to the University….
Thus when the federal court struck down the law allowing the military to cut funding to schools that prohibit military recruiting, Ms. Kagan revoked the exception (to the school’s non-discrimination policy). A few months later, the DoD threatened to cut funding to the University; and she reinstated the exception, thus again allowing the military to recruit through the OCS.
Presumably, this in-depth explanation allays any animus against Ms. Kagan’s confirmation which might have been based on a false belief she banned military recruiting at Harvard Law School and, by extension, that such prohibition evidenced Ms. Kagan held an objectionable animus to the pursuit of military service.
But the chances are slim to none that anyone on the Committee will ask Ms. Kagan about whether her record of principled independence portends she will be equally impartial when it comes to hearing cases argued before the bench by Professor Tribe. And they should, as this would be a likely scenario, given that Mr. Tribe is among the top 30 lawyers who have argued the most cases before the Supreme Court since the beginning of the 20th century. http://www.law.georgetown.edu/faculty/lazarus/docs/articles/Lazarus_Advocacy_Matters_Before.pdf Yet, as you will see, when it comes to Larry Tribe, Ms. Kagan tends to act less like a seasoned legal professional and more like a deer caught in the headlights.
Larry Tribe is an admitted plagiarist and Dean Kagan knew this but chose to do nothing about it.
National Review Senior Editor Ramesh wrote this back in 2005.
In the spring of 2003, The Green Bag, a legal journal, published an essay by Tribe called “Public Rights, Private Rites: Reliving Richmond Newspapers For My Father.” It is a memoir of Tribe’s first argument before the Supreme Court, in 1980. The case grew out of a Virginia murder trial. The judge had closed the trial to the public, including both the victim’s family and reporters. Tribe represented the newspapers for which those reporters worked.
Tribe argued the case just two weeks after his father died. That fact, his essay explains, emboldened him to do something daring: to invoke the Ninth Amendment to the Constitution.
The Ninth Amendment is the one that reads, “The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.” In other words: Just because the Constitution lists a bunch of rights doesn’t mean that we don’t have other rights that aren’t listed. Even people who think that’s a fine principle have been a bit puzzled about how the amendment should affect government in practice, and in particular about what judges should do with it….
And if that story casts Tribe as a forgotten hero of the Ninth Amendment — and thus, to some people, as a hero of the story of American liberty . . . Well, the essay leaves the impression that Tribe doesn’t mind that too much. The Richmond Newspapers decision, he writes, was a “landmark.”
But the record in front of the Supreme Court does not corroborate important parts of Tribe’s story. He didn’t argue his case in Ninth Amendment terms. Other parties in the case did, but not Tribe.
The Ninth Amendment did not appear in the statement Tribe filed asking the Supreme Court to review the case. There, Tribe said that Virginia had violated the First, Sixth, and Fourteenth Amendments. At this stage of the litigation, it was the lawyers for the American Society of Newspaper Editors and the American Newspaper Publishers Association who made the Ninth Amendment argument, in their friend-of-the-court brief….
When he argued the case in front of the Supreme Court, Tribe didn’t mention the Ninth Amendment even once. (An audio transcript of the case is available online.) Fifteen minutes into it, a justice asked Tribe “just what provision of the Constitution [the Virginia statute] violates as applied in this case.” Tribe replied, “I think that it violates the Sixth Amendment, and the First, and the Fourteenth.” He spent the rest of his opening argument on the First and Sixth Amendments. Virginia’s lawyer, unsurprisingly, didn’t mention the Ninth either. Tribe got to make a rebuttal, in which the words “Ninth Amendment” again did not pass his lips.
More recently – June 28, 2010 – there is this: “Pearls Richer than Tribe: Plagiarism allegations dog a Harvard Professor.”
In 2004, The Weekly Standard broke the story that much of his 1985 book God Save This Honorable Court had been taken, in one case word-for-word but usually with small adjustments, from Judges and Presidents, a 1974 book by historian Henry J. Abraham. Then–Harvard president Lawrence Summers, along with then–Harvard Law dean Elena Kagan, strongly condemned Tribe’s actions, but administered no punishment. (Tribe, Summers, and Kagan all now have ties to the Obama administration: Tribe, on leave from Harvard, runs the Justice Department’s Access to Justice Initiative; Summers is director of the National Economic Council; and Kagan is solicitor general and has been nominated to the Supreme Court.)…
Last but by no means least, there is this scathing denouncement of the whole sordid plagiarism affair(s), by Massachusetts School of Law Dean Lawrence Velvel, posted on his blog, “Velvel on National Affairs,” in April 2005. It deserves a full reading, not only because Dean Velvel painstakingly compares and contrasts the works in question but also because by doing so, he evidences the reasoned approach a legal scholar sans blinders might take when confronted with this same factual scenario.
Re: Larry Tribe, Larry Summers, And Elena Kagan: Because Of The Larry Tribe Affair, It Is Time For Larry Summers To Go …
… Finally, there is Elena Kagan, who has been Dean of the Harvard Law School since 2001. This relatively new Dean unfortunately got caught by a bad situation — by the Ogletree and Tribe matters, and by the Jack Goldsmith matter. But unhappily caught or not, she apparently has gone along with non-punishment of Tribe, and she joined Summers in his whitewashing statement about Tribe. She has also gone alone with what appears almost surely to be the defacto (and undisclosed) non-punishment of Ogletree. She has gone along with the hiring and retention of Jack Goldsmith, who apparently played a role and, after publication of The Torture Papers, more than ever seems to have played a role, in the American government’s abominable renditions to other countries for purposes of torture, and who refuses to talk about this matter. As discussed here in a December 15th posting, she was said by The Boston Globe to have defended Goldsmith’s presence at Harvard by telling it, and as far as I know she has never denied that she defended his presence in Cambridge by telling it, that he “‘puts issues on the table that everyone focuses on and debates’” (yeah — like renditions), that he is “‘a very agenda-setting scholar, and that’s exactly the kind of exciting scholarship that we want to have here’” (he certainly seems to have helped put renditions on the agenda), and that she is “‘as proud of his appointment as I could be.’” So Dean Kagan has gone along with Summers’ bad-results-producing actions regarding plagiarism, copycatting and ghostwriting, and, to boot, is very proud of hiring a teacher who seems to have played a fairly important role in the American government’s abominable and grossly illegal renditions. (Goldsmith’s role is described here pretty fully in the same December 15th post.) All of this seems no more praiseworthy than Summers’ actions, and perhaps, in some respects, worse, because torture is involved. So, in my view, Kagan too should go, just like Summers.
It is unlikely that members of the Senate Judiciary Committee will question Supreme Court nominee Kagan as to whether she can be an effective jurist when ‘tossed into the arena” with Larry Tribe. But perhaps they ought to.