A few days ago, I received an email announcing that the work of the group meeting under the banner CONTINENTAL CONGRESS OF 2009 had been completed. Laid out with large capital letters in varying sizes, in bold, highlighted, it exhorted me to appreciate the solemnity of the work that came out of this gathering, and challenged me to prove my patriotism by distributing this work to others.
HERE IS WHERE THE RUBBER MEETS THE ROAD. PLEASE REMEMBER THE FINE YOUNG SOLDIERS THAT HAVE GIVEN THEIR LIVES OVER THE YEARS FOR OUR FREEDOM. DON’T GIVE OUR COUNTRY AWAY HERE AT HOME. THEY HAVE GIVEN THEIR LIVES….WHAT WILL YOU GIVE????
This was followed by a few quotes – for example, Patrick Henry’s “give me liberty or give me death” – apparently aimed at eliciting my enlistment in this campaign by inciting a patriotic fervor.
Here is my reply.
Dear barngoddess30 and Others:
You urged me to read about the event you refer to as the “Continental Congress 2009,” in this email filled with language equating the approval of work that came out of that confab; with demonstrating a personal commitment to preserving liberty and honoring fallen troops. On the contrary, it is precisely because I cherish liberty and value the high cost to life to maintain such liberty, that I reject both the stated mission of “cc2009” and the work it produced. I will not question the motivation of the people who conceived and carried out this gathering. However, I cannot condone such exhortations to “spread the word” of the cc2009 or else call into question my fealty to my country, when the opposite is true. Indeed, putting my ‘stamp of approval’ on this endeavor would not only evidence that I know nothing about the real history of the Continental Congress but also that I place self above others in our Republic.
State delegates to the First Continental Congress of the United States, held in 1774 in Philadelphia, PA, were usually chosen by state assemblies (legislatures) which, when not in regular session, were convened by state Governors specifically for the purpose of electing these delegates. Sometimes, the selection of delegates was put to a popular vote. (Much of this process was carried out in secret, including where applicable the election of delegates, as opposing the Crown at that time, was unlawful.) Particular attention was paid to making sure to include both radical and conservative leaders in the state.The decision as to which issues these delegates would submit for discussion at the CCongress and, what were the state’s positions on these issues, were determined beforehand in consultation with the citizens of these states, through various means that included public meetings; distribution of pamphlets; and special votes of the assemblies.
In other words, unlike the attendees at cc2009, individual delegates to the First CCongress did not obtain these positions just by volunteering. They did not meet with each other in the first instance at the Congress to determine what issues were of primary import to the people and then substitute their positions on these issues for that of the people. They certainly did not distribute the results of their work under the guise, since they – the attendees – resided in several different states this work necessarily represented the will of the ‘people.’
Attempting to conflate in the minds of the People, the inception and function of the present day CCongress with its illustrious namesake evidences either an odious display of hubris or a woefully inadequate knowledge and understanding of American History. At least in terms of democratic representation and results, this current iteration of CCongress bears little resemblance to that First CCongress in 1774.
For a good summary of how delegates to the First CCongress were selected, see
All of that human and financial capital expended for CCongress 2009 – two weeks at a hotel, live video feeds, etc. – focused on a handful of issues like gun control; income tax; and the federal reserve system which, when distilled, amount to little more than a reassertion of states’ rights over federal authority. And Robert Schulz, Founder and Chairman of the “We The People Foundation for Constitutional Education,” who conceived and spearheaded the drive for a CCongress 2009, has been actively pursuing strategies to publicize these issues for more than 15 (fifteen) years. With this one exception.
The mission of the CCongress 2009 now expanded to include work on a reinvention of the definition of the phrase natural born citizen drafted into the Constitution. (Printed on the agenda, both Mr. Schulz and Orly Taitz, Esquire were scheduled to address attendees on “History, Meaning, Effect, Significance and Violations of the Natural Born Citizen Clause of the Constitution.” The appointed head of the sub-committee charged with carrying out this work is a hydrologist.) Of course, Mr. Schulz knows, no definition of natural born citizen has any practical value absent a federal court holding in a case directly on point. But inserting into his decades old activist agenda of states’ rights versus federal authority, this issue of the Constitutional eligibility (of Barack Obama) to be President; arguably proved to be a marketing, recruiting, and fundraising bonanza.
We people continue to focus on opposing individual problematic outcomes of the legislative and executive branches of federal government – opposition to the work of the judicial branch has overwhelmingly resulted from our ignorance of the law and of sound legal practice – and not on how members of the DNC Services Corporation have thus far avoided scrutiny for Certifying to state election officials that Barack Obama was Constitutionally eligible to be President. (A year ago now, his own attorney, Bob Bauer, admitted to a federal court no evidence exists in the public record that his client is Constitutionally eligible for the job. Then, on what basis did members of the D Corporation swear to state election officials several months earlier, he was!) For as long as we side-step the issue of Barack Obama’s Constitutional eligibility for POTUS, focusing our energies (and money) on such novelty distractions as the CCongress of 2009, instead of figuring out how to compel state Attorneys General in applicable states, to enforce existing election laws; we provide neither the executive branch nor the legislative branch of government with any incentive to clean up its act.
We are so stupid.